Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
Candide had
scarcely reached his inn when he was attacked by a slight illness caused by
fatigue. As he wore an enormous diamond on his finger, and a prodigiously heavy
strong-box had been observed in his train, he immediately had with him two
doctors he had not asked for, several intimate friends who would not leave him
and two devotees who kept making him broth.
So read a snippet
from Voltaire's Candide, and the same tone pervaded the whole book.
The writer's sharp prose was aimed particularly at one man: Gottfried Wilhelm
Leibniz, who proclaimed the Earth, despite its many shortcomings, "the
best of all possible worlds." Voltaire begged to differ.
Besides the target
of Voltaire's ridicule, Leibniz is perhaps best remembered as Newton's rival in
the development of calculus. Modern historians conclude that Leibniz made his
advances independently, though Newton noisily accused him of plagiarism, and
Leibniz developed the useful notation and symbols that calculus students still
learn today. But Leibniz was really a polymath. His invention of a calculating
machine earned him membership in the Royal Society of London. The scope of his
talents prompted Diderot to remark that comparing oneself to Leibniz left one
wanting to "go die peacefully in the depths of some dark corner."
Yet Leibniz also
discussed prophets, genies and monsters. Historian Roger Ariew argues that
modern scholars have viewed Leibniz as two people: "the
logician-metaphysician" deserving serious attention and the "shallow,
theologian-natural philosopher" deserving no attention at all. Like his
rival Newton (who practiced alchemy and numerology), Leibniz was simply a man
of his time.
From
"Leibniz on the Unicorn and Various Other Curiosities" by Roger Ariew
in Early Science and Medicine
In 1677, on behalf
of his employer, Leibniz sent the Journal des Savans an
account of a monstrous goat. He speculated that the goat's unusually fancy
hairdo might owe its existence to the goat's unhappiness over its confinement,
and further relayed that when the goat kicked at a passerby, its headdress
grew. He also wrote of a "talking dog" capable of barking about 30
words, although he clarified that the dog only echoed words said to it. In
fact, his accounts of bizarre animals were fairly sober and restrained for the
17th century.
In between
monsters and math, Leibniz also took an interest in the history of our planet.
As an intended
preface to his history of the House of Brunswick, Leibniz wrote an overview of
the history of the Earth, Protogaea. Among other topics, the book
included how the planet formed, subterranean fires, and the formation of
fossils. Leibniz penned the manuscript between 1691 and 1693, but the book
wasn't published until 1749, well after his death. Rather than being a
comprehensive account of Earth science,Protogaea was more of a
jumbled collection of observations and speculations, but it contained a few
insights that arguably placed Leibniz well ahead of his time.
During the 17th
century, savants still struggled with the definition of a fossil, and this was
complicated by the fact that a fossil could be defined as anything dug out of
the ground. Leibniz recognized the different origins of different types of
"fossils" and knew that some of them (crystals) might very well have
formed where they were found.
When it came to
the objects we define as fossils today — any evidence of ancient life —
Leibniz's views changed over time. Early on, he had been influenced by the
Jesuit polymath Athanasius Kircher, who suggested that fossils sometimes (not
always) resulted from "jokes of nature." In fact, Kircher's writings
had a profound influence on the young Leibniz, who sent the priest fawning
correspondence. As the years progressed, however, Leibniz began to ridicule his
former idol. Modern historians have noted, though, that just about every topic
Leibniz researched may have been inspired by Kircher's work.
Later on, Leibniz
developed a tremendous admiration for the natural historian Niels Stensen, or
Nicolaus Steno (whose eventual decision to enter the clergy greatly
disappointed Leibniz). Like Steno, Leibniz adopted the view that fossils were
the remains of once-living organisms. He reproduced a picture of the shark head
that Steno dissected, along with examples of shark teeth.
The mathematical
polymath didn't just relay others' accounts. In all likelihood he personally
visited caves where fossils were reportedly found, Scharzfeld and Baumann
Caves, perhaps crawling through th entrance to Scharzfeld on his belly. He wrote:
One also finds
there a great number of teeth of various color, often white, and frequently
implanted on pieces of jawbones; some of them are of such magnitude that they
cannot be referred to any actually known animal.
Leibniz's writings
hint at the concept of extinction, but he also believed that petrifaction
transformed them in some way. Leibniz believed in (as did most of his
contemporaries) the short time span for Earth's existence, as implied by a
literal reading of Genesis. He also believed in the Noachian flood, but he
thought it was one of several, and that when the waters receded, they returned
to subterranean caverns through narrow passageways — depositing fossils in
their wake. In his view, this explained some of the fossils of seashells embedded
in the rocks of high peaks.
In accordance with
Biblical teachings, Leibniz also believed the Earth had been shaped by fire,
but some of his speculations on subterranean fire had a modern ring.
For most believe
that there is fire contained in this globe, whose crust we have hardly
explored. Earthquakes also may clearly indicate that there are tunnels of fire,
and huge volcanoes reveal fire dungeons extending far and wide.
Leibniz's
inspiring prose and support of education eventually placed him in the orbit of
Peter the Great. Before meeting the monarch, Leibniz wrote him these words in
1708:
The real goal of
study is human happiness, in other words a lasting pleasure, attainable to so
many individuals that they would not live in idleness . . . to use their
talents to practice unpretentious virtue, to attain a blameless knowledge of
God and to promote the common good.
From Protogaea by
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
When Leibniz and
Peter finally met a few years later, the czar recruited the polymath as privy
councilor, even though Peter's plans for a Kunstkamera (curiosity
cabinet) were already somewhat underway. When theKunstkamera finally
did open, it wasn't the world's first public museum (the Ashmolean Museum, for
one, had gotten there first), but Peter went one better in offering free
admission. By some accounts, the Russian institution even fed its guests
treats, paid for out of Peter's pocket.
Leibniz combined a
modern understanding of fossils (evidence of past life) with mythology. Along
with engravings of fossil ammonites, shark teeth, and bony fish, he included
in Protogaea an engraving of a fossil unicorn, based on a find
announced by Otto von Guericke. The unicorn appeared next to an engraving of a
mammoth molar. Leibniz pointed out to his readers von Guericke's impressive
credentials, including his invention of the vacuum pump, as a reason to believe
the account. Likely based on renderings in contemporary periodicals, the
unicorn lacked hind legs. Misguided as it was, this fossil articulation ranked
among the earliest attempts to reconstruct a fossil vertebrate.
Leibniz actually
began the unicorn description with a statement that some unicorns "come
from fish from the Northern Ocean" — an acknowledgment that fabled unicorn
horns were often narwhal tusks. But he then launched into a description of von
Guericke's fossil find from a gypsum quarry near Quedlinburg. The unicorn
fossil was likely cobbled together from the remains of a mammoth and maybe a
rhinoceros.
Leibniz himself
probably wouldn't be surprised at the news that some of his views were in
error. Displaying the kind of optimism Voltaire ridiculed, Leibniz professed
faith in the future.
This theory about
the newborn globe may be plausible, and it may even contain the seeds of a new
science called natural geography, but we venture to explore rather than to
build. . . . And even if the vestiges of the old world conform to the present
appearance of things, our descendants will be able to explain everything better
when human curiosity will have advanced far enough to describe the kinds and
layers of Earth that extend through the various territories.
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